Transition Plan

The transition plan outlines the steps needed to transition the government to a new system. Transition, in this context, means the entire process: building popular support, winning elections, conducting initial transitions, and setting long-term changes in motion.

This document is written for anyone who wants to understand how the process works — and more importantly, how they can verify for themselves that it is playing out honestly.

This is a living document. The plan described here represents the best current thinking of the people who built it. It is not yet fully legally vetted. Contracts must be legally enforceable — that requires review and drafting by qualified contract attorneys. Articles of incorporation for a public benefit entity carry specific legal requirements that must be met precisely. Other provisions will face scrutiny from constitutional scholars, election law specialists, and experts in areas not yet represented among the founders. As individuals with relevant expertise join the effort, they will review, challenge, and improve what is written here. Every substantive change to this plan will be documented, dated, and explained publicly — prior versions will remain accessible so anyone can see what changed and why. The goal is not a document that looks finished. It is a document that is actually sound.

Gathering Popular Support

The public needs to understand both what is being proposed and why it is trustworthy before they can support it. Awareness is built in two phases: entertainment first, then information.

Why entertainment comes first — and why this matters: The moment any established institution recognizes what this movement is attempting, it will work to get in front of citizens before we can. This is not speculation — it is the predictable response of any system facing structural change. The tactic is well established: flood public discourse with misinformation early enough that the first thing most people hear about this plan is a distorted version of it. A person’s first impression of an idea is extremely difficult to dislodge, even with accurate information delivered later.

Entertainment is the countermeasure. Content that is genuinely funny, moving, or surprising spreads faster than political messaging and reaches people before they have been primed to reject it. The goal is to achieve critical mass — enough people who have encountered the movement directly, through their own experience, that word of mouth becomes self-sustaining. Once enough people have seen the actual plan for themselves, no institution can fully control the narrative, because those people can share it directly and counter misinformation from their own knowledge rather than from secondhand argument.

This is not manipulation. The entertainment content is not designed to deceive — every piece links directly to the full plan. It is designed to reach people before the distortions do.

Social Media Campaign

Phase 1 — Entertainment and Awareness

• Connect with popular social media influencers and creators who already have large, engaged audiences.
• Produce short-form content (videos, songs, memes) that is shareable and engaging before it is political.
• Each piece of content ends with a clear, simple call to action and a link to the main website.
• Songs written for the movement are made freely available to any artist who wants to cover or perform them. Multiple covers across different genres increase reach and reinforce familiarity.

Phase 2 — Information

• Once an audience is established, content shifts toward explaining the transition plan in plain language.
• Short explainer videos address specific concerns: “What is a Revocation Vote?” “How does the convention work?” “How do I know this is real?”
• All information content links back to the main website for the full picture.

The Website

The website serves as the primary public reference for everything related to the transition plan. It must:

• Present the full text of the proposed new constitution in plain language, including a plain-English summary of each section.
• Provide a live timeline showing where the transition process currently stands and what comes next.
• Explain each stage of the plan, including what citizens can do to participate or independently verify what is happening.
• List volunteer opportunities and how to sign up.
• Be free to access and fully readable on mobile devices.
• Archive all town hall recordings, convention proceedings, and delegate votes in a searchable, permanent format.

Winning Elections

At minimum, two rounds of elections must be won to build the legislative majority required to call a constitutional convention and see the transition through. If the 34-application threshold is not reached after the first two cycles, additional election cycles continue the effort until it is.

Round 1 — 2026 Federal and State Midterm Elections

The goal of the 2026 midterms is to elect candidates who publicly and specifically support the transition plan to as many state legislatures as possible, as well as to the U.S. House and Senate.

• Why state legislatures? Under Article V of the current U.S. Constitution, 34 or more state legislatures may submit formal applications calling for a constitutional convention. Once 34 applications are received, Congress bears a constitutional duty to call the convention — a duty that, while never tested in court, carries enormous political weight when it is publicly documented that the threshold has been met. No President can veto this process. Winning state legislatures is the mechanism that triggers the convention.
• Candidate commitment: All candidates running under this platform must sign a legally binding contract with the Platform Accountability Corporation — a nonprofit public benefit corporation established for this purpose — committing them to vote in favor of their state’s Article V convention application (for state legislators) or to support the convention process and not obstruct it (for federal legislators). The contract specifies steep financial penalties for breach. All signed contracts are published on the website so any citizen can read them. This is not a general platform promise; it is a specific, traceable, and legally enforceable commitment. Candidates who do not sign are not running on this platform.
• Voter information: Each candidate’s stated position on the convention will be published on the main website and shared through the social media campaign so voters can make an informed choice.
• Campaign structure: Candidates running under this platform are encouraged to voluntarily model the principles in the proposed new constitution (Article 6): declining large donations and PAC money, relying on grassroots fundraising rather than paid advertising, and prioritizing direct town halls and question-and-answer sessions over broadcast messaging. These are voluntary commitments — current campaign finance law remains in force and governs these elections. No public funding mechanism for candidates exists yet. The goal is to demonstrate in practice that a different kind of campaign is viable before it becomes law.

The Platform Accountability Corporation: This nonprofit is established before the first election cycle. Its sole legal purpose is to hold platform commitments enforceable under contract law, which remains in force under the current legal system regardless of any future constitutional changes. The corporation’s formation documents, finances, officers, and every contract it holds are published on the website in full. It cannot be dissolved, and its assets cannot be redirected, without a public vote of all signed contract parties. Its only function is enforcement — it does not endorse candidates, spend on campaigns, or take political positions.

How the PAC is founded: The founders of this movement — likely a combination of lawyers, accountants, and technical staff who came together in common cause — file the articles of incorporation publicly and disclose all founding members by name. Every founder’s prior involvement in the movement is documented on the website. That record of who built this, when, and how is public and permanent; it is the primary basis on which anyone can judge whether the founders’ motivations are what they claim.

Once the articles are filed, the founders immediately publish an open call for board applications. Any citizen who has never held elected office, has no financial relationship with any candidate, and has no organizational role in the movement may apply. The governing board is selected by public lottery from qualified applicants, with the draw livestreamed. The board holds all governance authority. Once seated, the board receives full operational control — including the website, domain, hosting credentials, financial accounts, and all contracts.

Founders as employees, not governors: Gutting institutional knowledge at the moment of handover would undermine the organization the board is taking over. Founders whose knowledge is necessary for continuity may be retained as employees of the PAC, serving at the discretion of the board or its appointed chief officer. They can be kept, reassigned, or dismissed at any time. They hold no governance authority. This structure means the people who built the movement remain useful to it without controlling it.

Website control and the bootstrap problem: Before the Platform Accountability Corporation exists, the website is operated by the founders of this movement. This is an honest limitation: someone has to build it first. The founders are publicly identified by name on the website from day one — there are no anonymous administrators. Once the PAC is established (see below), operational control of the website, the domain, and all hosting infrastructure transfers to the PAC board. The founders retain no administrative access after that transfer, which is documented and published. All primary records are simultaneously archived with at least three independent institutions — universities, public libraries, or civic organizations — with no organizational relationship to the movement. Those institutions publish their own independent copies. Any discrepancy between versions is detectable by anyone.

The PAC’s sunset: The Platform Accountability Corporation is a transitional instrument, not a permanent institution. Its dissolution is triggered by whichever comes first: successful ratification of a new constitution, or December 31, 2034. Once triggered, the PAC has one year to wind down — closing contracts, completing its financial audit, and transferring the full historical record of its decisions, contracts, and finances to permanent public archival custody. If no enforcement actions are pending at the end of that year, it dissolves. If active enforcement proceedings exist — against candidates or delegates who breached their contracts — the PAC remains open only as long as necessary to resolve those specific actions and collect any penalties owed. Once the last enforcement action is closed, dissolution is immediate. No board member, founder, or employee benefits financially from the dissolution.

Round 2 — 2028 Presidential and Congressional Elections

The goal of the 2028 elections is to elect a President and sufficient members of Congress who support the transition and will not obstruct the convention process.

• By this point, the goal is to have at least 34 state applications submitted. If that threshold has not yet been reached, the 2028 elections become an additional opportunity to elect state legislators who will submit the remaining applications, and the convention timeline shifts accordingly. There is no fixed deadline — the convention is called when the threshold is met, not before.
• The President’s role is not to control the convention, but to avoid interference with it. A hostile executive cannot stop a convention called under Article V, but can create friction. Winning the presidency removes that risk.
• Congress is formally responsible for setting the time and place of the convention once 34 applications are received. A supportive Congress will fulfill this duty promptly and transparently.
• The 2028 elections are also the first major opportunity to demonstrate broad national support for the transition. A strong showing signals to the convention delegates that the public is behind the process.

Conducting Initial Transitions

Calling the Constitutional Convention

Once 34 state legislatures have submitted applications, Congress is expected to call the convention. Article V imposes this duty, but it is important to be honest: this obligation has never been tested in court, and its precise enforceability is disputed among constitutional scholars. Congress has never actually called an Article V convention. There is no court-established mechanism to compel it. What constrains Congress is not a guaranteed legal trigger but intense political pressure, public visibility, and the full weight of a constitutional duty that will be on the record for every member who votes to ignore it.

It is important to understand what this process does and does not require:

• It does not require presidential approval.
• It does require 34 state legislatures to submit applications.
• It does require a Congress that either fulfills its constitutional duty or faces public accountability for refusing to do so.

All state applications will be published on the website as they are submitted so that any citizen can track the count in real time.

The Constitutional Convention

The convention will commence once sufficient support has been confirmed through the election process. Fall 2029 is the target date, contingent on achieving the 34-state application threshold and a supportive Congress. If additional election cycles are needed, the convention opens after those conditions are met, not before. Its first formal act — before any substantive deliberation begins — is to call for the National Town Hall Collection.

Delegate selection:

• Each state sends a delegation. Because there is no historical precedent for an Article V constitutional convention, Congress — not the convention itself — sets the basic structural rules, including how delegates are allocated. This is a significant reason why winning a supportive Congress in 2028 matters. The movement proposes that delegation size be proportional to each state’s population, with no fewer than one delegate per state, and that delegates be selected by their state legislatures. Congress may decide differently. If Congress sets rules that go against the spirit of the process — for example, structuring the convention in a way that disenfranchises large portions of the population — that decision will be publicly documented and the Platform Accountability Corporation will evaluate whether it constitutes a breach of the commitments made by congressional signatories.
• The platform strongly discourages currently serving federal officials from serving as delegates, as their presence creates a conflict between their existing office and the convention’s mandate. This is a public commitment, not a legally enforceable exclusion — Congress sets the basic convention structure and the convention’s majority governs internal disputes. The protection here is majority control: if the transition has won the elections needed to call the convention, it has the delegates needed to govern how the convention operates. Any state that sends a sitting federal official as a delegate will have that choice publicly documented on the website.
• Before being eligible for selection as a platform-aligned delegate, every delegate candidate must sign a contract with the Platform Accountability Corporation committing to the transparency rules of the convention — live sessions, recorded individual votes, published agendas, and full public record. Breach of these commitments carries the financial penalties specified in the contract. A state may send a delegate who has not signed; that delegate’s unsigned status is publicly documented, their votes are on the record, and the majority of signed delegates governs how the convention operates.
• What happens if a state boycotts or refuses to participate? A state legislature that refuses to select delegates cannot prevent the convention from proceeding. The absent states are publicly identified on the website. Those states still have the opportunity to ratify the final document — ratification is a separate vote, and a state that sat out the convention is not barred from approving its output. The ratification requirement of 38 states remains the check that matters most: a document that cannot win three-fourths of states has not succeeded regardless of how the convention itself went.
• All delegates must publicly disclose financial interests that could represent a conflict before the convention begins. These disclosures are published on the website.

The National Town Hall Collection — First Act of the Convention:

The convention’s first resolution, before any substantive deliberation, is to formally call for a national public input collection. Substantive sessions are suspended while the collection takes place. The convention does not begin drafting until the collection is complete, published, and in the hands of every delegate.

• Town halls are held in every state, spread across multiple days and times to maximize who can participate — including evenings, weekends, and different geographic areas within each state.
• Each town hall is open to any citizen who wishes to attend or submit written comments.
• Town hall sessions are open for observation by any member of the public. No one controls who attends as an observer. The PAC sends its own observers to verify the process is running as described, but the critical protection is that anyone — a skeptical individual, a community organization, an unaffiliated journalist, or a citizen who simply wants to see for themselves — may walk in and watch. The published recordings allow anyone who could not attend in person to verify afterward that what was recorded reflects what occurred.
• All sessions are video recorded in full and published on the website within 72 hours of the session ending.
• All submitted comments and recordings are compiled into a single public document. Exact unedited copies of the originals are preserved alongside the compiled version so anyone can check for discrepancies.
• The full collection is published on the website at no cost before deliberations resume, giving the public time to review it before the convention acts on it.
• Physical records — printed transcripts, signed observer logs, and original storage media — are transported to the convention site in secured vehicles, accompanied by a convoy of volunteer observers with no affiliation to any delegate or campaign. The transport is publicly announced in advance, the route is published, and any citizen may observe the convoy’s arrival. Chain of custody is documented at every handoff and published on the website.
• The collection is formally entered into the convention record and delivered to every delegate as the public mandate they are constitutionally and contractually responsible for considering.

Why this matters for trust: The town hall collection is one of the most important transparency mechanisms in the entire process. Because the convention itself called for it, the collection carries official standing — it is not a movement document but a record commissioned by the body with authority to act on it. Once the final constitution is produced, anyone can compare it directly to the public record. If the convention ignored or contradicted what people said, that contradiction will be visible, documented, and part of the official record before ratification begins. The website will maintain both documents side by side for this reason.

Convention rules and structure:

The convention sets its own procedural rules once seated. The transparency rules below are what every platform-aligned delegate has contractually committed to through their agreement with the Platform Accountability Corporation. They are not guaranteed by law — they are guaranteed by the contracts delegates signed and by the public visibility of every vote.

• All sessions are livestreamed in full and at no cost, with no delay. Any session that is not streamed is a breach of delegate contracts and will be publicly documented as such.
• A published agenda is released at least 72 hours before each session so the public knows what will be discussed before it is discussed.
• All votes are recorded individually by delegate and published on the website within 24 hours. There are no anonymous votes.
• Members of the public may attend sessions as silent observers, subject to the security measures necessary to ensure the safety of the convention. Individuals who pose a credible threat to safety may be removed. Observers are there to observe only — they do not speak, intervene, or insert themselves into proceedings in any way. Their sole formal mechanism for contributing to the record is a written objection, which becomes part of the official public record. This is why the town hall process is so important: it is the moment when citizens directly shape the convention’s mandate. Once deliberations begin, the public watches.
• No session may occur that is not fully documented, recorded, and added to the public record.

What the convention decides:

A question worth answering directly: the proposed new constitution was written by the founders of this movement before the convention ever meets. Does that make this a rigged process?

No — and here is why. The proposed constitution has no binding power over the convention whatsoever. It is published not as a blueprint the convention is expected to adopt, but as a concrete illustration of what is possible. Most people find it easier to critique a specific proposal than to imagine a new system from nothing. The document gives citizens something tangible to react to — to agree with, disagree with, and improve upon — so that town hall input is substantive rather than a rehearsal of existing talking points. The convention starts from the town hall collection, not from the founders’ document. The proposed constitution is one reference among many that delegates may consult; it carries no special authority.

The convention’s job is to establish the foundation of the new government. Drawing on the town hall collection as its primary mandate, it determines:

• Which provisions are adopted immediately upon ratification.
• Which items are explicitly deferred for future amendment, and by what process.
• Which items require a formal transition period before taking effect, and what that period looks like.

The provisions in Part I (Principles of Government) and Part II (Power of the People) — including the Revocation Vote system — are the foundational protections that make the rest of the process trustworthy. It is important to be honest about a real limitation here: there is no procedural rule that can legally bind a constitutional convention in advance. A convention, once assembled, sets its own rules. The 1787 convention was itself called to revise the Articles of Confederation and instead produced an entirely new document.

What constrains the convention against stripping these protections is a combination of three forces. First, every platform-aligned delegate signed a contract with the Platform Accountability Corporation before selection, committing to support the transition plan — including its foundational accountability provisions — or face steep financial penalties under existing contract law. Delegates who did not sign are publicly identified; their presence and votes are on the record and visible to every ratifying state legislature. Second, the town hall collection and the full public record give every citizen a clear benchmark: if the convention produces a document that removes these protections, the departure from the public record is visible and documented before ratification begins. Third, ratification still requires 38 state legislatures. A document that stripped accountability protections would face a fundamentally different — and far harder — ratification fight than one that honored them.

Ratification:

Once the convention produces a final draft, it must be ratified by at least 38 state legislatures — three-fourths of states. Each state legislature’s ratification vote is public and recorded. The new government officially begins upon ratification.

Post-Ratification Transitions

Once the new constitution is ratified, the new government is bound by it from day one. The most important immediate change is not any single policy — it is the activation of the accountability system.

Existing officeholders at ratification: The convention must address how currently serving elected and appointed officials are handled when the new constitution takes effect. Because the new government’s structure may differ substantially from the current one, this transition plan does not prescribe the answer — but it formally identifies this as a question the convention is responsible for resolving. The convention’s answer, whatever it is, will be part of the public record and the ratified document.

Revocation Votes: The People’s Check on the New Government

Revocation Votes (described in full in Article 3 of the new constitution) are the primary mechanism by which citizens can remove or punish any public official who abuses their authority. They activate at the first election held under the new constitution.

How they work in brief:

• Every eligible voter receives a Revocation ballot alongside their regular election ballot.
• Revocation Votes apply to all elected offices, the highest court positions, the highest leadership positions of federal agencies, and military command.
• Voters choose from a range of outcomes, from simple removal to removal plus imprisonment for corruption or treason.
• Results are calculated as a percentage of all eligible voters — not just those who voted — making it harder to reach thresholds through apathy alone.
• The outcome of a Revocation Vote cannot be pardoned, delayed, or overridden by any official. It is final.

This means that beginning with the first election held under the new constitution, every official — including those who participated in the transition — operates under the direct, permanent, and legally binding oversight of the public. No official is exempt, and no future government can remove this mechanism without itself being subject to it.

What Citizens Can Do If Something Seems Wrong

The transition process is designed so that no single person or group can quietly corrupt it. The table below shows what is available to citizens at each stage:

Every step in this process produces a public, permanent, and searchable record. If any official attempts to tamper with that record, any citizen can identify the discrepancy and challenge it. The process is not asking for trust — it is building the infrastructure that makes trust unnecessary.

How You Can Help Right Now

The single most effective thing any supporter can do is give someone a direct, firsthand encounter with this plan.

If someone you know has heard about this movement — whether they are curious, skeptical, or hostile — do not argue with what they think it says or what they have been told it says. Show them this website. Let them read it for themselves. If they cannot or prefer not to read it alone, read it to them, or let an assistive technology read it aloud. The goal is not to win an argument. The goal is to replace a secondhand account — which may be distorted, intentionally or not — with a firsthand one.

This matters because misinformation works by controlling first impressions. The most effective counter is not a better argument but direct access to the source. A person who has read this plan themselves is equipped to evaluate it. A person who has only heard someone else’s characterization of it is not — no matter how trustworthy that source seems.

You do not need to be an expert on constitutional law or political theory to help. You need to know where this website is and be willing to pull it up.