The transition plan outlines the steps needed to transition the government to a new system. Transition, in this context, means the entire process: building popular support, winning elections, conducting initial transitions, and setting long-term changes in motion.

This document is written for anyone who wants to understand how the process works — and more importantly, how they can verify for themselves that it is playing out honestly.

This is a living document. The plan described here represents the best current thinking of the people who built it. It is not yet fully reviewed by lawyers. Contracts must be legally enforceable — that requires qualified contract attorneys to review and draft them. Setting up the nonprofit organization described below has specific legal requirements that must be met exactly. Other parts of this plan will be reviewed by experts in constitutional law, election law, and other fields not yet represented among the founders. As people with relevant expertise join the effort, they will review, challenge, and improve what is written here. Every meaningful change to this plan will be documented, dated, and explained publicly — prior versions will remain available so anyone can see what changed and why. The goal is not a document that looks finished. It is a document that is actually sound.

Gathering Popular Support

The public needs to understand both what is being proposed and why it is trustworthy before they can support it. Awareness is built in two phases: entertainment first, then information.

Why entertainment comes first — and why this matters: The moment any powerful institution figures out what this movement is trying to do, it will rush to reach citizens first. This is not speculation — it is the predictable response of any system that feels threatened by change. The tactic is simple and well-worn: flood the public with false information early enough that most people’s first encounter with this plan is a distorted version of it. A person’s first impression of an idea is very hard to change, even when the truth comes along later.

Entertainment is the answer to that problem. Content that is genuinely funny, moving, or surprising spreads faster than political messaging and reaches people before they have been taught to reject it. The goal is to reach enough people — through their own direct experience with the content — that word of mouth takes over and spreads on its own. Once enough people have seen the actual plan for themselves, no institution can fully shape how it is perceived, because those people can share it directly and push back on false claims from their own knowledge rather than from secondhand accounts.

This is not manipulation. The entertainment content is not designed to deceive — every piece links directly to the full plan. It is designed to reach people before the distortions do.

Social Media Campaign

Phase 1 — Entertainment and Awareness

  • Connect with popular social media influencers and creators who already have large, engaged audiences.

  • Produce short-form content (videos, songs, memes) that is shareable and engaging before it is political.

  • Each piece of content ends with a clear, simple call to action and a link to the main website.

  • Songs written for the movement are made freely available to any artist who wants to cover or perform them. Multiple covers across different genres increase reach and reinforce familiarity.

Phase 2 — Information

  • Once an audience is established, content shifts toward explaining the transition plan in plain language.

  • Short explainer videos address specific concerns: "What is a Revocation Vote?" "How does the convention work?" "How do I know this is real?"

  • All information content links back to the main website for the full picture.

The Website

The website serves as the primary public reference for everything related to the transition plan. It must:

  • Present the full text of the proposed new constitution in plain language, including a plain-English summary of each section.

  • Provide a live timeline showing where the transition process currently stands and what comes next.

  • Explain each stage of the plan, including what citizens can do to participate or independently verify what is happening.

  • List volunteer opportunities and how to sign up.

  • Be free to access and fully readable on mobile devices.

  • Archive all town hall recordings, convention proceedings, and delegate votes in a searchable, permanent format.

Winning Elections

At minimum, two rounds of elections must be won to build the legislative majority required to call a constitutional convention and see the transition through. If the 34-application threshold is not reached after the first two cycles, additional election cycles continue the effort until it is.

Round 1 — 2026 Federal and State Midterm Elections

The goal of the 2026 midterms is to elect candidates who publicly and specifically support the transition plan to as many state legislatures as possible, as well as to the U.S. House and Senate.

  • Why state legislatures? Under Article V of the current U.S. Constitution, 34 or more state legislatures may submit formal applications calling for a constitutional convention. Once 34 applications are received, Congress has a constitutional duty to call the convention — a duty that, while never tested in court, carries enormous political weight when it is publicly documented that the threshold has been met. No President can veto this process. Winning state legislatures is what triggers the convention.

  • Candidate commitment: All candidates running under this platform must sign a legally binding contract with the Platform Accountability Corporation — a nonprofit set up specifically for this purpose — committing them to vote in favor of their state’s Article V convention application (for state legislators) or to support the convention process and not block it (for federal legislators). The contract specifies steep financial penalties for breaking that commitment. All signed contracts are published on the website so any citizen can read them. This is not a general campaign promise; it is a specific, traceable, and legally enforceable commitment. Candidates who do not sign are not running on this platform.

  • Voter information: Each candidate’s stated position on the convention will be published on the main website and shared through the social media campaign so voters can make an informed choice.

  • Campaign structure: Candidates running under this platform are encouraged to voluntarily follow the principles in the proposed new constitution (Article 6): turning down large donations and outside political money, relying on small-donor fundraising rather than paid advertising, and prioritizing direct town halls and question-and-answer sessions over one-way political speeches. These are voluntary commitments — current campaign finance law is still in effect and governs these elections. No public campaign funding system exists yet. The goal is to show in practice that a different kind of campaign is possible before it becomes the law.

The Platform Accountability Corporation: This nonprofit is set up before the first election cycle. Its only legal purpose is to make candidate commitments legally binding and enforceable — contract law is still in force under the current legal system regardless of any future constitutional changes. The organization’s founding documents, finances, officers, and every contract it holds are published on the website in full. It cannot be shut down, and its money cannot be redirected, without a public vote of all parties who signed contracts with it. Its only job is enforcement — it does not endorse candidates, spend money on campaigns, or take political positions.

How the PAC is founded: The founders of this movement — likely a mix of lawyers, accountants, and technical staff who came together for this purpose — file the organization’s founding papers publicly and disclose all founding members by name. Every founder’s prior involvement in the movement is documented on the website. That record of who built this, when, and how is public and permanent. It is the main basis on which anyone can judge whether the founders' motivations are what they claim.

Once the founding papers are filed, the founders immediately publish an open call for board applications. Any citizen who has never held elected office, has no financial relationship with any candidate, and has no role in the movement may apply. The governing board is selected by public lottery from eligible applicants, with the draw livestreamed. The board holds all decision-making authority. Once seated, the board receives full control — including the website, the domain name, server access, financial accounts, and all contracts.

Founders as employees, not decision-makers: Handing off all control at once and losing all the knowledge built up along the way would hurt the organization the board is inheriting. Founders whose knowledge is needed for continuity may stay on as employees of the PAC, serving at the discretion of the board or its appointed chief officer. They can be kept, reassigned, or let go at any time. They hold no decision-making authority. This structure means the people who built the movement remain useful to it without controlling it.

Website control and the startup problem: Before the Platform Accountability Corporation exists, the website is run by the founders of this movement. This is an honest limitation: someone has to build it first. The founders are identified by name on the website from day one — there are no anonymous administrators. Once the PAC is established (see below), control of the website, the domain name, and all hosting infrastructure passes to the PAC board. The founders lose all access after that handover, which is documented and published. All primary records are simultaneously stored with at least three independent institutions — universities, public libraries, or civic organizations — with no connection to this movement. Those institutions publish their own copies. Any differences between versions are detectable by anyone.

The PAC’s end date: The Platform Accountability Corporation is a temporary organization, not a permanent one. It closes down when whichever of these comes first: the new constitution is successfully ratified, or December 31, 2034. Once that trigger is hit, the PAC has one year to wrap up — closing contracts, finishing its financial review, and handing the full historical record of its decisions, contracts, and finances over to permanent public storage. If no active legal cases are pending at the end of that year, it closes. If active legal cases exist — against candidates or delegates who broke their contracts — the PAC stays open only as long as needed to resolve those cases and collect any penalties owed. Once the last case is closed, it shuts down immediately. No board member, founder, or employee benefits financially from the shutdown.

Round 2 — 2028 Presidential and Congressional Elections

The goal of the 2028 elections is to elect a President and sufficient members of Congress who support the transition and will not obstruct the convention process.

  • By this point, the goal is to have at least 34 state applications submitted. If that threshold has not yet been reached, the 2028 elections become an additional opportunity to elect state legislators who will submit the remaining applications, and the convention timeline shifts accordingly. There is no fixed deadline — the convention is called when the threshold is met, not before.

  • The President’s role is not to control the convention, but to avoid interference with it. A hostile executive cannot stop a convention called under Article V, but can create friction. Winning the presidency removes that risk.

  • Congress is formally responsible for setting the time and place of the convention once 34 applications are received. A supportive Congress will fulfill this duty promptly and transparently.

  • The 2028 elections are also the first major opportunity to demonstrate broad national support for the transition. A strong showing signals to the convention delegates that the public is behind the process.

Conducting Initial Transitions

Calling the Constitutional Convention

Once 34 state legislatures have submitted applications, Congress is expected to call the convention. Article V of the current Constitution creates this duty, but it is important to be honest: this obligation has never been tested in court, and experts on the Constitution disagree about whether Congress can legally be forced to act on it. Congress has never actually called an Article V convention. No court has ever established a process to make it happen. What keeps Congress from ignoring this duty is not a guaranteed legal tripwire — it is intense public pressure, full visibility, and the weight of a constitutional duty that will be on the record for every member who votes to ignore it.

It is important to understand what this process does and does not require:

  • It does not require presidential approval.

  • It does require 34 state legislatures to submit applications.

  • It does require a Congress that either fulfills its constitutional duty or faces public accountability for refusing to do so.

All state applications will be published on the website as they are submitted so that any citizen can track the count in real time.

The Constitutional Convention

The convention will open once sufficient support has been confirmed through the election process. Fall 2029 is the target date, if 34 states have applied and Congress is willing. If more election cycles are needed, the convention opens after those conditions are met, not before. Its first official action — before any real debate begins — is to call for the National Town Hall Collection.

Delegate selection:

  • Each state sends a group of delegates. Because nothing like an Article V constitutional convention has ever been held before, Congress — not the convention itself — sets the basic rules, including how many delegates each state gets. This is a key reason why winning a supportive Congress in 2028 matters. The movement proposes that each state’s number of delegates be based on its population, with at least one delegate per state, and that delegates be chosen by their state legislatures. Congress may decide differently. If Congress sets rules that cut large numbers of people out of the process, that decision will be publicly documented and the Platform Accountability Corporation will evaluate whether it breaks the commitments made by members of Congress who signed on to this platform.

  • The platform strongly discourages currently serving federal officials from serving as delegates, because their presence puts their current government job in conflict with the convention’s purpose. This is a public commitment, not a legally enforceable rule — Congress sets the basic convention structure and the convention’s majority governs internal disputes. The protection here is that if this movement has won enough elections to call the convention, it also has enough delegates to govern how the convention runs. Any state that sends a sitting federal official as a delegate will have that choice publicly documented on the website.

  • Before being eligible for selection as a platform-aligned delegate, every delegate candidate must sign a contract with the Platform Accountability Corporation committing to the transparency rules of the convention — live sessions, recorded individual votes, published agendas, and full public record. Breach of these commitments carries the financial penalties specified in the contract. A state may send a delegate who has not signed; that delegate’s unsigned status is publicly documented, their votes are on the record, and the majority of signed delegates governs how the convention operates.

  • What happens if a state boycotts or refuses to participate? A state legislature that refuses to select delegates cannot prevent the convention from proceeding. The absent states are publicly identified on the website. Those states still have the opportunity to ratify the final document — ratification is a separate vote, and a state that sat out the convention is not barred from approving its output. The ratification requirement of 38 states remains the check that matters most: a document that cannot win three-fourths of states has not succeeded regardless of how the convention itself went.

  • All delegates must publicly disclose financial interests that could represent a conflict before the convention begins. These disclosures are published on the website.

The National Town Hall Collection — First Act of the Convention:

The convention’s first official act, before any real debate or drafting begins, is to call for a national public input collection. All working sessions are paused while the collection takes place. The convention does not begin drafting anything until the collection is finished, published, and in the hands of every delegate.

  • Town halls are held in every state, spread across multiple days and times to maximize who can participate — including evenings, weekends, and different geographic areas within each state.

  • Each town hall is open to any citizen who wishes to attend or submit written comments.

  • Town hall sessions are open for observation by any member of the public. No one controls who attends as an observer. The PAC sends its own observers to verify the process is running as described, but the critical protection is that anyone — a skeptical individual, a community organization, an unaffiliated journalist, or a citizen who simply wants to see for themselves — may walk in and watch. The published recordings allow anyone who could not attend in person to verify afterward that what was recorded reflects what occurred.

  • All sessions are video recorded in full and published on the website within 72 hours of the session ending.

  • All submitted comments and recordings are compiled into a single public document. Exact unedited copies of the originals are preserved alongside the compiled version so anyone can check for discrepancies.

  • The full collection is published on the website at no cost before debate resumes, giving the public time to review it before the convention acts on it.

  • Physical records — printed transcripts, signed observer logs, and original storage media — are transported to the convention site in secured vehicles, accompanied by a convoy of volunteer observers with no affiliation to any delegate or campaign. The transport is publicly announced in advance, the route is published, and any citizen may observe the convoy’s arrival. Chain of custody is documented at every handoff and published on the website.

  • The collection is officially entered into the convention record and delivered to every delegate. It is the public’s direct instruction to the convention — and delegates are both contractually and constitutionally responsible for taking it seriously.

Why this matters for trust: The town hall collection is one of the most important parts of the entire process. Because the convention itself called for it, the collection has official standing — it is not a movement document, but a record requested by the body with the power to act on it. Once the final constitution is written, anyone can compare it directly to the public record. If the convention ignored or contradicted what people said, that gap will be visible, documented, and part of the official record before ratification begins. The website will keep both documents side by side for exactly this reason.

Convention rules and structure:

The convention sets its own procedural rules once seated. The transparency rules below are what every platform-aligned delegate has contractually committed to through their agreement with the Platform Accountability Corporation. They are not guaranteed by law — they are guaranteed by the contracts delegates signed and by the public visibility of every vote.

  • All sessions are livestreamed in full and at no cost, with no delay. Any session that is not streamed is a breach of delegate contracts and will be publicly documented as such.

  • A published agenda is released at least 72 hours before each session so the public knows what will be discussed before it is discussed.

  • All votes are recorded individually by delegate and published on the website within 24 hours. There are no anonymous votes.

  • Members of the public may attend sessions as silent observers, subject to whatever security measures are needed to keep the convention safe. Anyone who poses a credible threat to safety may be removed. Observers are there to watch — they do not speak, interrupt, or insert themselves into proceedings in any way. Their only formal way to add something to the official record is to submit a written objection. This is why the town hall process matters so much: it is when citizens directly shape the convention’s direction. Once debate begins, the public watches.

  • No session may occur that is not fully documented, recorded, and added to the public record.

What the convention decides:

A question worth answering directly: the proposed new constitution was written by the founders of this movement before the convention ever meets. Does that make this a rigged process?

No — and here is why. The proposed constitution has no binding power over the convention whatsoever. It is published not as a blueprint the convention is expected to adopt, but as a concrete example of what is possible. Most people find it easier to react to a specific proposal than to imagine a completely new system from nothing. The document gives citizens something real to respond to — to agree with, push back on, and improve — so that town hall input is focused and meaningful rather than vague. The convention starts from the town hall collection, not from the founders' document. The proposed constitution is one reference among many that delegates may consult. It has no special authority.

The convention’s job is to establish the foundation of the new government. Drawing on the town hall collection as its primary mandate, it determines:

  • Which provisions are adopted immediately upon ratification.

  • Which items are explicitly deferred for future amendment, and by what process.

  • Which items require a formal transition period before taking effect, and what that period looks like.

The provisions in Part I (Principles of Government) and Part II (Power of the People) — including the Revocation Vote system — are the core protections that make the rest of the process trustworthy. It is important to be honest about a real limitation here: no rule can legally force a constitutional convention to do anything in advance. A convention, once assembled, sets its own rules. The 1787 convention was itself called only to fix the Articles of Confederation — and instead produced an entirely new document.

Three things hold the convention back from removing these protections. First, every delegate who aligned with this platform signed a contract with the Platform Accountability Corporation before being selected, committing to support the transition plan — including its core accountability protections — or face steep financial penalties under existing contract law. Delegates who did not sign are publicly identified; their presence and votes are on the record and visible to every state legislature that will vote on ratification. Second, the town hall collection and the full public record give every citizen a clear measuring stick: if the convention produces a document that removes these protections, that gap from what people said they wanted is visible and documented before ratification begins. Third, ratification still requires 38 state legislatures. A document that threw out accountability protections would face a much harder ratification fight than one that honored them.

Ratification:

Once the convention produces a final draft, it must be ratified by at least 38 state legislatures — three-fourths of states. Each state legislature’s ratification vote is public and recorded. The new government officially begins upon ratification.

Post-Ratification Transitions

Once the new constitution is ratified, the new government is bound by it from day one. The most important immediate change is not any single policy — it is the activation of the accountability system.

Existing officeholders at ratification: The convention must address how currently serving elected and appointed officials are handled when the new constitution takes effect. Because the new government’s structure may differ substantially from the current one, this transition plan does not prescribe the answer — but it formally identifies this as a question the convention is responsible for resolving. The convention’s answer, whatever it is, will be part of the public record and the ratified document.

Senate Seats Based on Population: The Transition

Article 13 of the new constitution changes how Senate seats are divided. Right now, every state gets exactly two senators no matter how many people live there. Under the new system, states with more people get more senators. Every state keeps at least two senators — that floor does not change.

This is one of the biggest structural changes the new constitution makes. It requires a careful transition because Senate terms are spread across three groups, called classes, and each class serves a six-year term.

Why this change matters: Under the current system, a citizen in Wyoming has roughly 68 times as much Senate representation as a citizen in California. The original equal-per-state rule was a deal struck between large and small states at the founding of the country. It made sense when the gap in population between states was much smaller and when states acted more like separate countries. Today it means the Senate’s makeup is deeply out of step with the will of the people it governs. The House already divides seats by population. This change brings the Senate in line with the same principle.

The two-senator floor: The existing U.S. Constitution includes a specific protection: no state can lose its voice in the Senate without agreeing to it. The two-senator floor honors that existing agreement. Every state keeps real Senate representation. What changes is what happens above that floor. States with large populations get more senators based on their share of the total national population. No state loses its two base seats.

How the transition works:

Senate seats are divided into three groups of roughly equal size. One group is up for election every two years. The shift to population-based seats happens one group at a time:

  • Senators already serving when this constitution is ratified finish their full terms. No sitting senator is removed early.

  • When a group of seats comes up for election under the new constitution, those seats are divided up according to the new population-based rules. States gaining seats hold new elections to fill them. States at or near the two-senator floor keep their seats unchanged.

  • After three rounds of elections — roughly twelve years — every group will have been through at least one election under the new rules, and the full shift will be in place.

Who sets the schedule: The convention is responsible for setting the exact seat groupings and election schedule as part of the ratified document. This is a convention responsibility because the exact numbers depend on census data available at ratification — data the founders cannot know in advance. The convention will have that data. It should set the schedule.

What citizens should watch for: The process of dividing up seats will determine which states gain senators, which keep exactly two, and what the new total Senate size will be. These decisions belong to the convention and must be made openly, on the record, with every delegate’s vote publicly documented. Citizens in states that currently get more Senate power than their population warrants should expect this transition to reduce that advantage over time. That is the point. No sitting senator is displaced — but this is a real structural correction that moves the Senate closer to representing people rather than geography.

Revocation Votes: The People’s Check on the New Government

Revocation Votes (described in full in Article 3 of the new constitution) are the main tool citizens have to remove or punish any public official who abuses their authority. They take effect starting with the first election held under the new constitution.

How they work in brief:

  • Every eligible voter receives a Revocation ballot alongside their regular election ballot.

  • Revocation Votes apply to all elected offices, the highest court positions, the highest leadership positions of federal agencies, and military command.

  • Voters choose from a range of outcomes, from simple removal to removal plus imprisonment for corruption or treason.

  • Results are calculated as a percentage of all eligible voters — not just those who voted — making it harder to reach thresholds through apathy alone.

  • The outcome of a Revocation Vote cannot be pardoned, delayed, or overridden by any official. It is final.

This means that starting with the first election under the new constitution, every official — including those who were part of the transition — operates under the direct, permanent, and legally binding oversight of the public. No official is exempt, and no future government can take this system away without itself being subject to it.

What Citizens Can Do If Something Seems Wrong

The transition process is designed so that no single person or group can quietly corrupt it. The table below shows what is available to citizens at each stage:

Stage What You Can Do

Social media and website

Read the full plan and constitution; share, question, and discuss publicly

Candidate commitment

Read each candidate’s signed contract on the website; if you believe a candidate has broken their promise, submit a formal complaint to the Platform Accountability Corporation (complaint process link to be published once established)

State applications

Track the application count in real time on the website

Town hall collection

Attend in person, submit written comments, watch recordings, observe the physical record transport convoy, compare collection to final output

Convention

Watch every session live; attend in person as a silent observer if you wish; submit written objections on the record; compare the final document to the town hall collection

Ratification

Contact your state legislature — their ratification vote is public

Post-ratification

Use Revocation Votes; challenge improper official conduct using the petition process in Article 5 of the new constitution

Every step in this process produces a public, permanent, and searchable record. If any official attempts to tamper with that record, any citizen can identify the discrepancy and challenge it. The process is not asking for trust — it is building the infrastructure that makes trust unnecessary.

How You Can Help Right Now

The single most effective thing any supporter can do is give someone a direct, firsthand encounter with this plan.

If someone you know has heard about this movement — whether they are curious, skeptical, or hostile — do not argue with what they think it says or what they have been told it says. Show them this website. Let them read it for themselves. If they cannot or prefer not to read it alone, read it to them, or let an assistive technology read it aloud. The goal is not to win an argument. The goal is to replace a secondhand account — which may be distorted, intentionally or not — with a firsthand one.

This matters because misinformation works by controlling first impressions. The most effective counter is not a better argument but direct access to the source. A person who has read this plan themselves is equipped to evaluate it. A person who has only heard someone else’s characterization of it is not — no matter how trustworthy that source seems.

You do not need to be an expert on constitutional law or political theory to help. You need to know where this website is and be willing to pull it up.